PETITE BOURGEOISIE

Sociologyindex, Sociology Books 2009, Bourgeoisie, Petite Bourgeoisie, Class

Petite Bourgeoisie is a middle class of professionals and small-business people who work for themselves or own small productive facilities. Marx predicted that this class would be gradually eliminated by the consolidation of large capital under competitive forces.

Petite (Petty) Bourgeoisie
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Like the bourgeoisie, the petite bourgeoisie own some means of production — although these are almost always limited in scale compared to what is owned by the bourgeoisie. Thus the petite bourgeoisie does not need to sell their labour power in order to earn a living.
However, unlike the bourgeoisie, the petite bourgeois does not necessarily need to buy the labour power of others (i.e. the petite bourgeois, if she likes, can work by herself with the tools of the trade she has acquired). Moreover, even if the petite bourgeois does chose to buy the labour power of someone else (i.e. a professional artisan might hire an apprentice), she almost always labours alongside the hired help.
Because of this, it is possible that the petite bourgeoisie could be brought to side with the proletariat in a socialist revolution.
Today, the term “petite bourgeoisie” is often wrongly taken to mean what we would commonly call “the middle class”. Given Marx’s useage of the term, the petite bourgeoisie would actually be closest to what we today would call “entrepreneurs”.

Demythologising the petite bourgeoisie: The Italian case
Author: Linda Weiss, Senior Teaching Fellow in the School of Humanities, Griffith University, Australia, DOI: 10.1080/01402388608424587
Abstract: The political volatility and economic instability of the petite bourgeoisie are taken for granted in most political and sociological analysis. Viewed as a pivotal force in historic and contemporary movements of the extreme right, it is widely believed to exercise a constant 'threat' potential, thus guaranteeing its protection throughout the post-war period — above all in the Italian context where small economic entrepreneurs persist in substantial numbers. Using a variety of evidence, including electoral and survey materials, this article counterposes to the 'pathological' interpretation of the petite bourgeoisie an alternative profile, one that stresses its confidence, its stability of allegiance and its commitment to centrism.

The Petite Bourgeoisie in Late Capitalism
F. Bechhofer and B. Elliott
Department of Sociology, 18 Buccleuch Place, University of Edinburgh, Edinburgh EH8 9LN, United Kingdom
Annual Review of Sociology Vol. 11: 181-207 (Volume publication date August 1985) (doi:10.1146/annurev.so.11.080185.001145)
Over the past decade or so social scientists and policy makers have grown increasingly interested in the role of the petite bourgeoisie in capitalist societies. The paper begins by sketching the major sociological approaches to the study of this stratum and the diverse characteristics of and propositions put forth about the fortunes of the petite bourgeoisie.
The second section draws together evidence from several western societies in an attempt to appraise arguments about the alleged archaism, the long run decline, or the possible regeneration of the small business sector of western economies.
The economic significance of the petite bourgeoisie is assessed with respect to information about the capacity of the stratum to provide employment, to generate new jobs, and to stimulate innovation. The small business sector also has considerable political significance. Though its role in the political life of particular societies shows considerable variation it is everywhere an important repository of ideas and sentiments supportive of capitalism and the institutions of liberal democracy. This is a fact which contemporary right wing governments have been quick to recognize. The petite bourgeoisie is a socially distinctive and persistent element in capitalist societies. Factors that do much to account for its reproduction include the effects of recession, processes of technical change, and government policies that support and encourage smallseale entrepreneurial activity. The paper concludes by arguing that even in economies dominated by large corporations, petits bourgeois businesses continue to provide jobs for a substantial proportion of the population and the most personal and direct experience of capitalism for many citizens.

The Petite Bourgeoisie in Europe 1780-1914: - by Geoffrey Crossick, Heinz-Gerhard Haupt - 1998 - History - 296 pages
The Petite Bourgeoisie in Europe 1780-1914 is the first general study of the social, economic, cultural and political development of this ambiguous social group. Through comparative analysis, Geoffrey Crossick and Heinz-Gerhard Haupt examine issues such as the centrality of small enterprise to industrial change, the importance of family and locality, the search for stability with status, and the associated political move to the right. This invaluable and authoritative assessment ably explores the emergence of a distinctive petite-bourgeois cultural and political identity.

Has the traditional petite bourgeoisie persisted?
Carl J. Cuneo.
Abstract It is argued on the basis of an analysis of Canadian Census and Labour Force Survey data that the traditional petite bourgeoisie, or the self-employed who hire little or no wage labour, has not continuously declined between 1931 and 1981. The petite bourgeoisie persisted generally between 1931 and 1951 and became stronger between 1931 and 1941. In some economic sectors, such as building construction, it persisted at considerable strength until 1961. Intersectoral differences occur in the size of the traditional petite bourgeoisie: it was generally larger in agriculture, fishing, retail trade, personal services, and the autonomous professions than in forestry, manufacturing, mining, and transportation. The petite bourgeoisie also persisted in isolated occupational pockets, such as boot and shoe repairers, upholsterers, taxicab drivers, and real estate agents. Alternative methodological and theoretical explanations are offered for these findings. In particular, it is suggested that the persistence and uneven decline of the traditional petite bourgeoisie follows closely several conceptual distinctions in Marxist political economy. /// Nous cherchons à démontrer, en nous appuyant sur une analyse des données des recensements au Canada et d'enquêtes sur l'effectif de la main-d'oeuvre, que la petite bourgeoisie traditionnelle, soit encore les personnes qui travaillent à leur propre compte et n'engagent que peu ou pas du tout de main-d'oeuvre, n'a pas continuellement décliné de 1931 à 1981. En fait, la petite bourgeoisie persista de 1931 à 1951 et devint plus forte de 1931 à 1941. Dans certains secteurs économiques, comme par exemple la construction, la petite bourgeoisie conserva sa prépondérance jusqu'en 1961. Il existe des différences inter-sectorielles au niveau de la taille de la petite bourgeoisie traditionnelle: d'une manière générale, elle s'étendait davantage dans l'agriculture, la pêche, le commerce de détail, les services personnels et dans les professions libérales que dans la foresterie, la fabrication, l'exploitation minière et les transports. La petite bourgeoisie persista aussi dans des poches de métier isolées, comme par exemple cordonnier, tapissier en ameublement, chauffeur de taxi, et agent immobilier. Nous proposons alternativement des explications méthodiques et théoriques pour ces résultats. Entre autres, nous suggérons que la persistance et même le déclin inégal de la petite bourgeoisie traditionnelle suit de très près plusieurs distinctions conceptuelles de l'économie politique marxiste.