Dependent development is a central
concept of dependency theory. Dependent development has typically involved the exporting
of primary resources. Rather than seeing the world's nations dividing economic labor and
interacting as equal partners, dependent development suggests that some nations are able
to impose unequal exchanges on others and thus retard the economic development of these
nations or make their development dependent on stronger or more economically advanced
Dependent development is more a
leftist and nationalist view of globalization and supraterritoriality. At the beginning of the seventies,
Brazil was the archetype of dependent development, a country whose rapid industrialization was propelled by a combination of
investment by transnational corporations and
the demand for consumer durables that depended on rising inequality of condition. - Peter B. Evans.
Linkages, the State, and Dependent Development in South Korea, 1966-1988: A Time-Series
Analysis - York W. Bradshaw, Young-Jeong Kim, Bruce London, Social Forces,
Vol. 72, No. 2 (Dec., 1993), pp. 315-345. Abstract: This article uses time-series analysis
to examine development patterns in South Korea, a country that has realized dramatic
economic growth over the last several decades.
We show that:
(1) arguments associated with
classical dependency and dependent development theory must be modified substantially when
applied to Korea;
(2) the Korean state has been an
important actor in the country's economic success, closely regulating direct foreign
investment but strongly encouraging foreign trade; and
(3) foreign trade and foreign
loans have facilitated economic growth throughout the Korean economy, whereas the capital
outflow associated with direct foreign investment continues to impede expansion. Overall,
we conclude that Korea has experienced a form of dependent development that relies heavily
on international trade (especially exports), a strong national state, and local business.
This pattern is in contrast to Latin American dependent development, which places a heavy
emphasis on direct foreign investment.
Development in the Third World in the Decade of Oil -
Barry Almark, S. S. Alvarado, Review of Radical Political Economics, Vol. 15, No. 3,
Barry Almark and S. S. Alvarado argue that after a decade of Third World control over oil
resources, the economic dependence of most Third World countries has increased. Their
discussion focuses on the difficulties that confronted the developing countries which
import oil while also describing the mixed blessings that high oil prices turned out to be
for the oil exporters. The end of the narrative, 1983, finds a developing world with
stagnant economic growth where independent Third World policy actions are virtually ruled
out by their foreign creditors, both private banks and the governments of the major capitalist countries.
Structural Consolidation: The Colorado Delta Region, 1900-10 - Miguel De
The isolation and severe environment of Baja California Norte and its most notable
feature, the Colorado Delta region, impeded its incorporation into the global economy. In
the period of vast systemic consolidation and expansion of the capitalist world-system in
the late 19th and early 20th century via transnational corporations, a large quantity of
investment capital primarily in the form of one transnational, linked the Colorado Delta
region to the global economy. The result was capital-intensive dependent development and
the region's conversion to the role of peripheral producer in the
Evans & Gereffi conclude that there is no evidence that endogenous political forces
are as important in the process of dependent development as external ones (1984: 118).
The Historical and Global
Nature of Dependent Development - Kathleen C. Schwartzman
A Time-Series Analysis of Brazil and Mexico, 1901-80
Despite its historical pedigree, "history" rarely appears as a variable in
dependency or dependent development studies. We do not know from the empirical
scholarship, for example, if dependency or dependent development processes observed in the
period prior to the Second World War foretell those of the postwar period; if observations
about dependency relations found in the upswing hold for periods of downswing; or if
dependency relationships are affected by world-system factors such as the global growth.
Ironically, the empirical evidence scholarship in
dependency research appears guilty of the charge leveled against neoclassical economists:
it presents what it observes as laws that seem to be eternal and is unable to integrate
history into the analysis (Fontvieille, 1991: 234).
This is surely a preposterous charge to level against the dependency research agenda which
was born of the recognition that 1) the history of developed countries did not reveal the
path of underdeveloped ones; and 2) that one could not comprehend the current state of
underdevelopment without the recognition of the historical processes which integrated
peripheral countries into the global economy.
Dependency theorists assert that postcolonial market mechanisms-mediated principally
through prices-produce economic outcomes similar to those produced by the political
apparatus of the colonialism and colonial state. While
the scholarship has moved away from the more orthodox "underdevelopment"
position, it affirms, in many cases, a "dependent development" position, namely,
that countries which are more "dependent" on industrialized nations for the
direction and velocity of their growth suffer dampened or distorted economic development.
Dependent Development and Regional Integration: A Critical Examination of
the Southern... Richards Latin American Perspectives.1997; 24: 133-155
Cardoso's Theory of
Dependent Development and the Socio-political Limits of Foreign Corporate Ownership in
Brazil - Presented at the annual meeting of the International Studies
Association, Hilton Hawaiian Village, Honolulu, Hawaii, Abells, Susan
Abstract: When Fernando Henrique Cardoso became President of Brazil in 1995, he
implemented a model of development under the Washington Consensus that reproduced and
accelerated Brazils situation of dependency, shifting control of the most dynamic
sectors of Brazils industrial structure to transnational corporations. In this
paper, I examine the contradictions between Cardosos theories as an academic and his
actions as a politician. Adopting Cardosos own historical materialist framework,
which recognizes the imperatives of the world market and the socio-political limits
imposed on capitalist expansion by class struggle, I analyse the political economy of
Brazil from its transition to democracy in 1985 to the end of Cardosos presidency in
2002. I argue that with their power to influence the industrial strategy of Brazil badly
eroded, those domestic capitalists disenfranchised by Cardosos development model
abandoned it in the presidential election of 2002 to ally themselves with Lula and
Brazils subaltern classes, fracturing the unity of the capitalist classes, creating
a crisis of hegemony.