Dependent development is a central
concept of dependency theory. Dependent development has typically involved the exporting
of primary resources.
Rather than seeing the world's nations
dividing economic labor and interacting as equal partners, dependent development suggests
that some nations are able to impose unequal exchanges on others and thus retard the
economic development of these nations or make their development dependent on stronger or
more economically advanced nations.
At the beginning of the seventies,
Brazil was the archetype of dependent development, a country whose rapid industrialization
was propelled by a combination of investment by transnational corporations and the demand
for consumer durables that depended on rising inequality.
- Peter B. Evans
Linkages, the State, and Dependent Development in South Korea, 1966-1988: A Time-Series
Analysis - York W. Bradshaw, Young-Jeong Kim, Bruce London, Social Forces,
Vol. 72, No. 2 (Dec., 1993), pp. 315-345
Abstract: This article uses
time-series analysis to examine development patterns in South Korea, a country that has
realized dramatic economic growth over the last several decades.
We show that:
(1) arguments associated with
classical dependency and dependent development theory must be modified substantially when
applied to Korea;
(2) the Korean state has been an
important actor in the country's economic success, closely regulating direct foreign
investment but strongly encouraging foreign trade; and
(3) foreign trade and foreign loans
have facilitated economic growth throughout the Korean economy, whereas the capital
outflow associated with direct foreign investment continues to impede expansion. Overall,
we conclude that Korea has experienced a form of dependent development that relies heavily
on international trade (especially exports), a strong national state, and local business.
This pattern is in contrast to Latin American dependent development, which places a heavy
emphasis on direct foreign investment.
Development in the Third World in the Decade of Oil -
Barry Almark, S. S. Alvarado, Review of Radical Political Economics, Vol. 15, No. 3,
Barry Almark and S. S. Alvarado argue that after a decade of Third World control over oil
resources, the economic dependence of most Third World countries has increased. Their
discussion focuses on the difficulties that confronted the developing countries which
import oil while also describing the mixed blessings that high oil prices turned out to be
for the oil exporters. The end of the narrative, 1983, finds a developing world with
stagnant economic growth where independent Third World policy actions are virtually ruled
out by their foreign creditors, both private banks and the governments of the major capitalist countries.
Almark and Alvarado thus shift our focus in this collection from problems of the energy
sector per se to the impact of energy developments on the economy at large. The focus also
shifts from individual case studies to developments affecting whole groups of countries.
Indeed, they have sought to discern the common thread in the experience of many countries.
Structural Consolidation: The Colorado Delta Region, 1900-10 - Miguel De
The isolation and severe environment of Baja California Norte and its most notable
feature, the Colorado Delta region, impeded its incorporation into the global economy. In
the period of vast sys-temic consolidation and expansion of the capitalist world-system in
the late 19th and early 20th century via transnational
corporations, a large quantity of investment capital primarily in the form of one
transnational, linked the Colorado Delta region to the global economy. The result was
capital-intensive dependent development and the region's conversion to the role of
peripheral producer in the world-economy.
Evans & Gereffi conclude that there is no evidence that endogenous political forces
are as important in the process of dependent development as external ones (1984: 118).
The Historical and Global
Nature of Dependent Development - Kathleen C. Schwartzman
A Time-Series Analysis of Brazil and Mexico, 1901-80
Despite its historical pedigree, "history" rarely appears as a variable in
dependency or dependent development studies. We do not know from the empirical scholarship, for example, if dependency or
dependent development processes observed in the period prior to the Second World War
foretell those of the postwar period; if observations about dependency relations found in
the upswing hold for periods of downswing; or if dependency relationships are affected by
world-system factors such as the global growth.
Ironically, the empirical scholarship in dependency research appears guilty of the charge
leveled against neoclassical economists: it presents what it observes as laws that seem to
be eternal and is unable to integrate history into the analysis (Fontvieille, 1991: 234).
This is surely a preposterous charge to level against the dependency research agenda which
was born of the recognition that 1) the history of developed countries did not reveal the
path of underdeveloped ones; and 2) that one could not comprehend the current state of
underdevelopment without the recognition of the historical processes which integrated
peripheral countries into the global economy.
Dependency theorists assert that postcolonial market mechanisms-mediated principally
through prices-produce economic outcomes similar to those produced by the political
apparatus of the colonial state. While the scholarship has
moved away from the more orthodox "underdevelopment" position, it affirms, in
many cases, a "dependent development" position, namely, that countries which are
more "dependent" on industrialized nations for the direction and velocity of
their growth suffer dampened or distorted economic development.
Dependent Development and Regional Integration: A Critical Examination of
the Southern... Richards Latin American Perspectives.1997; 24: 133-155
Cardoso's Theory of Dependent
Development and the Socio-political Limits of Foreign Corporate Ownership in Brazil
- Presented at the annual meeting of the International Studies Association, Hilton
Hawaiian Village, Honolulu, Hawaii, Abells, Susan
Abstract: When Fernando Henrique Cardoso became President of Brazil in 1995, he
implemented a model of development under the Washington Consensus that reproduced and
accelerated Brazils situation of dependency, shifting control of the most dynamic
sectors of Brazils industrial structure to transnational corporations. In this
paper, I examine the contradictions between Cardosos theories as an academic and his
actions as a politician. Adopting Cardosos own historical materialist framework,
which recognizes the imperatives of the world market and the socio-political limits
imposed on capitalist expansion by class struggle, I analyse the political economy of
Brazil from its transition to democracy in 1985 to the end of Cardosos presidency in
2002. I argue that with their power to influence the industrial strategy of Brazil badly
eroded, those domestic capitalists disenfranchised by Cardosos development model
abandoned it in the presidential election of 2002 to ally themselves with Lula and
Brazils subaltern classes, fracturing the unity of the capitalist classes, creating
a crisis of hegemony.