Dependent development is a central concept of dependency theory. Dependent development has typically involved the exporting of primary resources. Rather than seeing the world's nations dividing economic labor and interacting as equal partners, dependent development suggests that some nations are able to impose unequal exchanges on others and thus retard the economic development of these nations or make their development dependent on stronger or more economically advanced nations. Dependent development is more a leftist and nationalist view of globalization and supraterritoriality. At the beginning of the seventies, Brazil was the archetype of dependent development, a country whose rapid industrialization was propelled by a combination of investment by transnational corporations and the demand for consumer durables that depended on rising inequality of condition.
There is no evidence that endogenous political forces are as important in the process of dependent development as external ones. - Peter B. Evans.
Dependent Development in the Third World in the Decade of Oil - Barry Almark, S. S. Alvarado, Review of Radical Political Economics, Vol. 15, No. 3, 97-114 (1983). Barry Almark and S. S. Alvarado argue that after a decade of Third World control over oil resources, the economic dependence of most Third World countries has increased. Their discussion focuses on the difficulties that confronted the developing countries which import oil while also describing the mixed blessings that high oil prices turned out to be for the oil exporters. The end of the narrative, 1983, finds a developing world with stagnant economic growth where independent Third World policy actions are virtually ruled out by their foreign creditors, both private banks and the governments of the major capitalist countries.
Transnational Economic Linkages, the State, and Dependent Development in South Korea, 1966-1988: A Time-Series Analysis - York W. Bradshaw, Young-Jeong Kim, Bruce London, Social Forces, Vol. 72, No. 2 (Dec., 1993), pp. 315-345. Abstract: This article uses time-series analysis to examine development patterns in South Korea, a country that has realized dramatic economic growth over the last several decades.
We show that:
(1) arguments associated with classical dependency and dependent development theory must be modified substantially when applied to Korea;
(2) the Korean state has been an important actor in the country's economic success, closely regulating direct foreign investment but strongly encouraging foreign trade; and
(3) foreign trade and foreign loans have facilitated economic growth throughout the Korean economy, whereas the capital outflow associated with direct foreign investment continues to impede expansion. Overall, we conclude that Korea has experienced a form of dependent development that relies heavily on international trade (especially exports), a strong national state, and local business. This pattern is in contrast to Latin American dependent development, which places a heavy emphasis on direct foreign investment.
Structural Consolidation: The Colorado Delta Region, 1900-10 - Miguel De
The isolation and severe environment of Baja California Norte and its most notable feature, the Colorado Delta region, impeded its incorporation into the global economy. In the period of vast systemic consolidation and expansion of the capitalist world-system in the late 19th and early 20th century via transnational corporations, a large quantity of investment capital primarily in the form of one transnational, linked the Colorado Delta region to the global economy. The result was capital-intensive dependent development and the region's conversion to the role of peripheral producer in the world-economy.
The Historical and Global
Nature of Dependent Development - Kathleen C. Schwartzman
A Time-Series Analysis of Brazil and Mexico, 1901-80
Despite its historical pedigree, "history" rarely appears as a variable in dependency or dependent development studies. We do not know from the empirical scholarship, for example, if dependency or dependent development processes observed in the period prior to the Second World War foretell those of the postwar period; if observations about dependency relations found in the upswing hold for periods of downswing; or if dependency relationships are affected by world-system factors such as the global growth.
Ironically, the empirical evidence scholarship in dependent development research appears guilty of the charge leveled against neoclassical economists: it presents what it observes as laws that seem to be eternal and is unable to integrate history into the analysis (Fontvieille, 1991: 234).
Dependent development theorists assert that postcolonial market mechanisms-mediated principally through prices-produce economic outcomes similar to those produced by the political apparatus of the colonialism and colonial state. While the scholarship has moved away from the more orthodox "underdevelopment" position, it affirms, in many cases, a "dependent development" position, namely, that countries which are more "dependent" on industrialized nations for the direction and velocity of their growth suffer dampened or distorted economic development.
Dependent Development and Regional Integration: A Critical Examination of the Southern... Richards Latin American Perspectives.1997; 24: 133-155
Cardoso's Theory of
Dependent Development and the Socio-political Limits of Foreign Corporate Ownership in
Brazil - Presented at the annual meeting of the International Studies
Association, Hilton Hawaiian Village, Honolulu, Hawaii, Abells, Susan
Abstract: When Fernando Henrique Cardoso became President of Brazil in 1995, he implemented a model of development under the Washington Consensus that reproduced and accelerated Brazils situation of dependency, shifting control of the most dynamic sectors of Brazils industrial structure to transnational corporations. In this paper, I examine the contradictions between Cardosos theories as an academic and his actions as a politician. Adopting Cardosos own historical materialist framework, which recognizes the imperatives of the world market and the socio-political limits imposed on capitalist expansion by class struggle, I analyse the political economy of Brazil from its transition to democracy in 1985 to the end of Cardosos presidency in 2002. I argue that with their power to influence the industrial strategy of Brazil badly eroded, those domestic capitalists disenfranchised by Cardosos development model abandoned it in the presidential election of 2002 to ally themselves with Lula and Brazil's subaltern classes, fracturing the unity of the capitalist classes, creating a crisis of hegemony.